
•iuBRARYOFCONfiRESS.*! 

j UNITED STATKS UF AMEHiCA. \ 



AN 

ADDRESS 



#t€»#lt ^f fM^ijir^toiwif^* 






ON THE SUBJECT OF THE 



V PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 

— Q<0^— 




Fellow Citizens : 

Few events can be more interesting to a free people, thain 
the election of their chief magistrate. The time is rapidly approaching, when 
j'ou will be called upon to exercise that high function. Much of your political 
happiness, and the welfare of your country, depends, at all times, upon a judicious 
choice. But at no period of our government, has it been more important to in- 
quire, with the most rigid scrutiny, into the qualifications and opinions of those 
who aspire to the highest honor in your power to bestow. Tlie venerable patriot 
of the revolution, who is now your President, has pursued a course of measures, 
suggested by the experience of the late war, suited to our multiplied interests and 
augmented population, and calculated, while they inspire confidence and ^ive 
security at home, to command the respect of foreign nations. This wise sys- 
tem of policy received, as it merited, the general approbation ; but it cannot be 
concealed, that while the wounds of ancient party contests were gradually healing, 
new ones have been inflicted by former friends ; and that a faction, under the 
denomination of the Radical party,h3s sprung into existence, which, disregarding 
the lessons of recent experience, ai "is at substituting feebleness in the place of ener- 
gy — a niggard and short-sighted parsimony, in place of a wise and liberal econo- 
my, and shutting their eyes upon the threatei>ing signs of the times, would neg<- 
lect those preparations for war in a season of tranquillity, which are always the 
best security for the continuance of peace. To prevent the incalcula- 
ble evils which the predominance of such a party would necessarily inflict upon 
our country, it behoves you to blast it at once, by the frowns of your indignation, 
and to withdraw all favour from that candidate, under whose banner it marches. 
If, from this situation of your internal affairs, the election of the next President 
is made peculiarly interesting, it becomes doubly so, from the position in which 
you are placed in relation to the great powers of the world. You are fully aware 
that, under the impious appellation of " The Holy JUliance," a combination of 
absolute and powerful monarchs has been formed in Europe, to carry on a re- 
. lentless crusade against the liberties of mankind, which threatens to extinguish 
tht light of learning and science together with the light of freedom, and bring 
back upon the world the barbarism, the heartless despotism, and gloomy supersti- 
tion, of the dark ages. This political monster, more terrific than any which thp 

* In preparing the foUewing address, the principal object of which is, by jjiviiiE; Extracts 
from Mr. Calhoun's speeches and Reports, to place bclore the public his pohticul opinions 
and views, in his ow.i lan^uajje, a pamphlet published in North-Carolina, on th(; ubject of 
the Presidential Election, and some pieces published in the Richmond Enqiiiicr, signed 
" Thomson," have been ficcly resorted to, not only for the Extracts, which are made with 
gicat judgment, but ib many instances for the comments on them. 



h' 



liivoes of modern ifcvolailon nave pvoiluced, having buiuici in ciiains tlie north of 
Europe, and tiotklen under toot the fair flowers of freedom that heiran to blos- 
SOm in the classic soil of If.dy, has since driven degraded France to attack and 
crush the generous assertors of Spanish liberty ; to restore the liorrors of the in- 
quisition, and to rivet the fetters of slavery upon tlie minds as well as the bodies 
of men. And now, unsatisfied with the limits of continental Europe, casts across 
the Atlantic his withering glance upon the new-born republics of America. Ouf 
political chief has met it undismayed, and uttered a voice of calm defianc*, 
which Has found an echo in the breast ot every freeman. If a war of extermina- 
tion is to be waa;ed upon republican f£overnment in the Southern part of our 
continent, and the g,reat battle between liberty and despotism is to be fought 
There, we cannot remain still, and loo!; on the awful conflict as unconcerned 
spectators. In view of these threatening perils from abroad, it is matter of the 
deepest concern to our i»terest, our honour, and the safety of our beloved coun- 
try, that a man should be placed at the head of the government, whose system 
of policy, whose energy and firmness, whose lofty genius and high-souled patri- 
otism, fit him for the impending crisis. 

Such a man, the past services and history of John C. CALiiourf proclaim him 
to be. Of them, I propose to give you a sketch, in the following pages, whicii, 
that no material fact may rest upon assertion, will be principally occupied by ex- 
tracts from his speeches and reports. These will give you a living picture, 
though necessarily an imperfect one, of this great statesman, and afford such of 
you as do not already possess them, the means of forming your own opinions of 
bis qualifications for the Presidency. 

From Ills earliest youthful conceptions on political subjects, up to the present 
period, John C. Calhoun has uniformly manifested the warmest attachment to 
the pure republican principles which form the basis of our free institutions. — 
From a mother of Roman virtues, who had been often compelled to desert her 
home by the ravages of the tories, he imbibed those noble sentiments of national 
devotion, which gave sucVx a charm to his parliamentary eloquence ; and from 
a father of sound and discriminating judgment, who served in the Legislature of 
South-Carolina, during the whole period of the revolution and after its termina- 
tion, till his death, he imbibed those sentiments of lofty patriotism, which have 
" grown with his growth, and strengthened 'a ith his strength." Having literally 
devoured most of the ancient historians, at an extremely early age, and before 
he commenced his grammar-school studies, the impressions made by these pa- 
rental lessons were swelled into an enthusiastic admiration of the great models of 
republican antiquity. After the death of his father, he v, as placed at the Acade- 
my, and under the superintending care of his brother-in-law, the celebrated Dr. 
Waddel ; a gentleman alike distinguished for the graces cf religion, and the ac-' 
eomplishmentsof a scholar. 

From the academy of Dr. Waddel, he vvas transferred to Yale College, u> Con- 
necticut. Here he was destined to encounter his preceptor, the celebrated Dr. 
Dwight, in the field of political discussion. In the course of a recitation, the 
Doctor expressed a doubt whether the republican system was really better calcu- 
lated to promote the happiness of the people than a limited monarchy. This gave 
rise to a warm and animated debate between the Doctor and Mr. Calbod.n, in 
which the latter evinced such depth of thought, and power of argument, that the 
former predicted his future rise to the highest honors of the republic. " That 
young man," said he afterwards to a friend, "has talents enough to be President 
of the United States." 

From Yale he went to Jjitclifield, where he attended for two years the celebrat- 
ed Law Lectures of Judges Reeve and Gould. After an absence of five or six 
years, lie returned to his native state, and entered on the practice of the law with 
the success usual to all his endeavors. But the national excitement against Eng- 
land daily increasing, with her iicreasing arrog nice nd injustice, he was readily 
prevailed upon to become a member of the State Legislature. Indeed, he seem? 



3 

fwm the first, to have stuJied me law more as a suboiainate brancn orilie science 
o( croveniment, than witli a view to a long professional practice. Having, by hKJ 
legislative services at Columbia, iaiti the foundation of a popularity throughout the 
state, as permanent as that in his own immediate neighbourhood, we next find 
jNIr. Calhou.n on a theatre suited to his great talents and information— a mem- 
ber of the Congress that declared war against Great Britain. 

Preceded by the fame he had ahcady acquired, his appearance m the national 
legislature was hailed as the most important acquisition to that body. Mr. bpeak- 
er"ciav, without regard to seniority of years or services, placed him, at once, the 
second member of the coinmiitee (foreign relations) at the time emphatically the 
first in the horise : and of which committee he soon became the chairman. In 
this leading position none bin a statesman of the first order could have sustained 
himself. During a parliamentary contest of more than four years; and against a 
weight and style of opposition unknown to the Congress of the revolution, Mr. 
Calhoun, by his reports and speeches ; by his genius, eloquence, firmness, and 
patriotism, made himself the chief support of the second w^rof our independ- 
eix:e; and, like the primitive patriots of the revolution, triumphed in the glory c. 
his country. That this is not an extravagant encomium, I appeal to the lechngs 
of the period, and to documents. The Richmond Enquirer, ot the 24th ot 
December, 1811, thus speaks: 

" Wc present this day the speeches of Messrs. Randolph and Calhoun, the ' counterfeit 
presentment' of two orators, bu- it is ' h\pen;in to a Satyr.' Tlic one amuses us bv ex- 
cnrsiveness ; the other dehgbts us bv the condo.nsaiion of his ideas. The one is an eduioii 
of Clinton ' run mad ;' the other resembles one of the old sages ot the old Congress, witli 
the graces of voiith. Mr. Randolph has surpassed himself in liis own line of acting ; ttifi 
snarling and peiulent critic, who raves and bites at every iliing around him ; oblique '» '^'^ 
positions; extravagant in his facts; flounderin- uu! blmidoriiig in his conclusions, ttlr. 
Calhoun is clear and |;recise in his reasoniuu ; marching us directly to the object ol hts 
attark, and felling down the errors of his opponent with the club of Hercules ; not eloquent 
in his tropes and figuics : but, like Fox, in die moral elevation of hin sentiments, tree tiom 
personality, vet full ol tho.e fine touches of indignation, which are the severest cut to a man 
of feeling." fiis speech, like a fine drawing, abounds in those lights and shades, which set 
ofi' each other ; the cause of his countrv is robed in Imht ; while her opponents are wrapped 
in darkness. It were a contmcied wisli that Mr. Calhoun were a Viigiuian ; though after 
tlie quota which she has furnished, widi op|wition talents, stich a wish might be torgiven 
us. Yet we beg leave to participate, as Americans and friends of our country, in the r.onors 
of South Carolina. We }iail this young Carolinian, as one of the master spirits who siamp 
their name upon the age id which they live." 

About the same time we find the following notice copied into the Enquirer : 

'•' The Hon. John C. Calhoun, (says the correspondent of the Hartford Mercury.) a Re- 
oresentative from South Caolina, the gen' leman second named on the committee ol I oreign 
Relations, graduated at Yale College, in this state, in the year 1804. In his high character 
as a scholar, and the Herculean vigor of his understanding, American liberty cannot tail to 
find a most pow<'rful s»ip( ort." 

The speech so justly characterized and applauded by the Enquirer, and which 
called forth ^i general btirslof admiration, was Mr. Calhou.v's first essay in Con- 
gress — at an age less than thirty. No one then thought him too ijouvg to take the 
lead in defence of our rights, ^at objection has been twelve, i/ears nseived — (o 
the period when the country is no longer labouring under tlu;; pressure of external 
and internal diftlculties, and when, ftom the lapse of time, the obligations of pub- 
lic gratittide are supposed to be relaxed or forgotten. But to leturn to the occa- 
sion of the speech. 

The committee of foreign relations had reported in favorof immediate prepara- 
tion for war, with the avowed object of an early declaration of hostilities. Mr. 
Randolph opposed the measures recommended by the committee : t0(jk a wide 
view of our foreign relations, and deprecated war as unjust to England and calam- 
itous to ourselves. To Mr. Calhoun was assigned the duty of replying to Mr. 
Randolph ; and from the masterly style in which the task was executed — not to 
j^eak, in this placr", of subsajuent victories obtainetl over the same individual, on 



4 

the same great questions, we may perceive whence the feehng that dictated the 
denunciation of Mr. C. by tiie factious appellation of "the army candidate." 

During every stage of the discussions which preceded the declaration of war 
against Great Britain, and during every stage and every vicissitude of that event- 
ful and trying contest, Mr. Caluoun took a leading and distinguished part in the 
debates of Congress. As chairman of the committee of Foreign Relations, it be- 
came his peculiar duty to devise and sustain the various measures necessary for 
the prosecution of the contest. A perusal of his various speeches, will result in 
convincing every impartial reader, that for Roman energv, lofty patriotism, pro- 
found political sagacity, and masculine eloquence, Mr. Calhoun has no superior 
in the present day. I have deliberately weighed every phrase of this eulogiuin, 
and I iefel perfectly assured, that it will be confirmed by the judgment of posteri- 
ty. I invite your attention to a brief review of some of his speeches for a con- 
firmation of the opinion I have expressed. And though disconnected quotations 
can give but a feeble notion of the impression made by the connected argument, 
yet enough will be presented to communicate the spirit of the orator, and to justi- 
fy the foregoing complimentary remarks and predictions of Mr. Ritchie, in the 
Richmond Enquirer. 

Among the energetic measures proposed in the session of 1811-12, for placing 
the nation in an attitude of defence, was a bill to fit up, and put in commission, 
all the vessels of the navy, and to build a certain number of frigates. The latter 
provision received the ardent support of Mr. Calhoun, but was finally lost. Let 
it be here observed, that this vote was taken before the declaration of war, and 
of course, before the navy had fought itself into favor with politicians of less wis- 
dom and foresight. 

We next find Mr. Calhoun (6th March, 1812J supporting an embargo for 90 
days as a measure preparatory to war. Here again it was his lot to reply to Mr. 
Randolph. Mr. Calhoun said, in the course of his speech — 

" We will Dot, I hope, wait the expiration of the Embargo totuke our stand against Eng- 
land — llrat stand which the best interests, and llie honor of this nation, have so loudly do- ' 
mandod. In his zeal against the Embargo, the gentleman fiom Virginia says, it was en- 
gendered between the Committee of Foreign 'delations and the executive. Engendered! 
riif gentleman must be sensible of ihe impropriety of such language — applied to tne execu- 
tive, or a committee of this house. No, sir. it was not engendered, but adopted by both the 
executive and coniniitti'e, from its manifest propriety as a prelude to war. There is no 
man in his reason and uninfluenced by party feelings, but must acknowledge that a declara- 
tion of war on our part, ought almost invariably to be preceded by an Embargo. One 
might suppose, from the language of the gentleman from Virginia, that he was much in the 
secrets of the government. He says, the plan now is, to disband the army, and cany on a 
predatory war on the ocean. 1 can assure him, if such be the plan, I am wholly ignorant of 
It ; and that, should it bf; proposed, it would not meet with my approbation. I am decisively 
of opinion that the best interests of the country will be consulted, by calling out the whole 
force of the community to protect its rights. Should this course fail, the next will be to 
submit to our enemy with as good a grace as possible. Let us not provoke where we cannot 
resist. The mongrel state, half war, half peace, is more to be deprecated. The gentleman 
from Virginia has told us much of the signs of the times. I did hope, that the age of super- 
stition was past. Sii, if we must examine the auspices ; if we must inspect the entrails of 
the times, I would pronounce the omens good. It is from moral — not brute or ph; sical 
omens, that we ought to judge, and what more favorable could we desire than that the na* 
tion is at last roused from its lethargy, and stands prepared to vindicate its interest and hon- 
or .'' On the contrary, a nation .so sunk in avarice, and so corrupted by faction, as lo be 
insensible to the greatest injuries, and lost to its independence, would be a sight more por- 
tentous than comets, earthquakes, eclipses, or the whole catalogue of omens which we have 
heard the gentleman from Virginia enumerate. 1 assert, and gentlemen know it — if we 
submit to the pretensions of P>n;;land, now openly avowed, the independence of this nation 
is lost — we shall be, as to our commerce at least, re-colonized. This is the second struggle 
for our liberty ; and if we do but justice to ourselves, it will be no less glorious and success- 
ful thin the first. Let us but exert ourselves, and we must meet with the prospering smile 
of heaven. Sir, I assert it with confidence, a war just and necessary in its origin, wisely 
and vigorously carried on, and honorably terminated, would establish the union and pros- 
perity of our country for centuries." 

This speech may be regarded as a history before the fact, of the mighty strug- 
gle in which we were about to embark. The youthful orator, who "resembled oii^e 



of the old sages of the old Congiess,"looked through the stotm and gloom of w«f, 
to the clear sunshine of glory wliicii burst on ins country at the conclusion. May 
the last letter of his prediction be equally acc<)m))lished ! 

In a previous reply to Mr. Randolph. Mr. Caluoun had said — 
" Tlie gentleman from Virginia lias not failed to touch on the calamities of war; that 
fruitful source of declamation — by which, pity becomes the advocate of cowardice ; but! 
know not what wc have to do with the subject. If the sen lemaii desiios to repress the 
gallant ardour of our countrymen by such topics, let me inform him, that true courage re- 
gards only the cause ; and it contident that liiat is just and n cessarv, despises the pain aifd 
danger of war. If he really wishes to piomottt the cause of humanity, let his eloquence 
be addressed to Lord Wellesley and Mr. Percival, and no^ 'o the American Congress. Tell 
them, that if they persist in such daring insult and injury to a neutral nation, that however 
inclined to peace, it will be bound in honor and interest lo resist; and that our patience 
and benevolence, however greai, will be exhausted ; that the calamities of war will ensue, 
and that the British government, in the opinion of wounded liumanity, will be answerable 
lor all its devastations and misery. Let melting pity, a regard to th(! interests of humanity, 
stay the hand of injustice ; an I, my lite on it, tlie gentleman will not find itditficiilt to call 
oft'his country from the bloody scenes of war. \\c are next told of the dangers of war ! — 
I believe we are all willing lo acknowledm' it;; liazariis and accidents; bull cannot thinl: 
we iiave .any extraordinary dangci to contend with — at least, so much as to warrant an ac- 
quiescence in the injuries we have received. The l)alance of power has also been intro- 
duced as an argument for submission. England is said to be a barrier against the military 
despotism in France. There is, sir, one great error in our legislation. We are ready enough 
to protect the interests of the European States; and, it would seein, from this argument, to 
watch over those of a foreign nation, while we grossly neglect ourown immediate concerns. 
This argument of the balance of power, is well c;dculatecl for the British parliament; but 
not at all for the American Congress to entertain. Tell the Brilons that they are combatting' 
with a mighty power in Europe, and that, if they will persist to insult and injure the Ameri- 
can people, we shall be compelled to throw our wliole force into the scale of their adversary. 
Let the gentleman from Virginia pourtray the danger to them, and if they will desist iVom 
injury, I will answer for it, that we shall not disturb the balance of power. But it is pre- 
posterous to talk of the balance of power, while thev, by their conduct, deride our simple, 
good-natured, pacific and forbearing policy. If, however, in the contest, it should be found, 
that they underr.ite our strength, which I hope and believe events will demonstrate, and we 
can, in fact, influence the balance of power, then it will notbe difficult for us to obtain such 
terms as our rights demand." 

At length the moment arrived, when Mr. Calhoun, from the Committee of Fo- 
reign Relations, to whom was referred the Message of the President, recommend- 
ing war, made a report, conceived in a spirit, and expressed in an eloquence, 
which unquestionably renders it the second document in the annals of our inde- 
pendence; and when the personal jealousies and political prejudices of the present 
day shall have given place to the generous effusions of patriotic feeling, the De- 
claration of our Wiongs and Rights of 1812, cannot fail to be placed, with one 
consent, next to the immortal Act which first called us into national being. I 
will cite, as a specimen of it, the concluding paragraph only : 

" Your Committee belime, that the freeboni sons of America are worthy to enjoy the 
liberty which their faihers |)urchased, at the price of much blood and treasure ; and, seeing 
in the measures adopted l)y Great Britain, a course commenred and persisted in, which 
might lead to a loss of national character and independence, feel no hesitation in advisiu? 
resistance by force, in which the .i^niencrins of the pi'e.sent day will prove to the enemy and 
the world, that we have not only inherited that liberty which our fathers ga\e iis, Imi also 
-the will and power to maintain it. Relying on the patriotism of the nation, and confidently 
trusting that the Lord of Hosts will go with us to battle in a risrliteous cause, and crown 
our efforts with success — Your Committee recommend an immediate appeal lo ARMS." 

After the war was declared, Mr. Calhoun, always deprecating half-way mea- 
sures, urged tlie repeal of the non-importation act. The speech delivered by hiin, 
on that occasion, so fully displays the consistent jiolitician, and so clearly por- 
trays, to use the language of Mr. Ritchie's compliment, " one of the old sages of 
the old Congress with the graces of youth," that I must be excused for making a 
copious extract. It gives the mo.st admirable exposition of the restrictive .system 
ever published : 

" The restrictive system, as a mode of resistance, or as a means of obtaining redress, has 
never been a favorite one with me. I wish not to censure the motives wliich dictated it, or 
Hp-ibute weakness to tltosc who first resorted to it for a restoration of our rights. But, sir^ 



6 

1 object to the restrictive pystem— because it does not suit the genius of the people, or ihrit 
ofour government, or the geographical character of our country. We are a people essen 
tially active. I may say we are pre-eminently so. No passive system can suit such a peo- 
ple: in action superior to all others; in patient endurance inferior to many. IS'or does it 
suit the genius of our government. Our government is founded on freedom, and hates co- 
ercion. To makethe restrictive system effective, requires the most arbitrary laws. Eng- 
land, with the severest penal statutes, has not been able to exclude prohibited articles; and 
.Napoleon, with all his power and vigilance, was obliged to resort to the most barbarous 
laws to enforce his continental system." 

After stowing how the whole mercantile community must become corrupted, 
by the temptations and facilities for smuggling, and how the public opinion of the 
commercial community, (upon which the system must depend for its enforce- 
ment,) becomes opposed to it, and gives sanction to its violation, he proceeds : 

" But ths:x are other objections to the system. It renders government odious. The far- 
mer inquires, why he gets no more for his produce, and he is told if is owing to the embar- 
go or commercial restrictions. In this he sees only the hand of his own government, an<J 
not the acts of violence and injustice, which this system is intended to counteract. His cen- 
sures fall on the governmen. This is an unhappy state of the public mind ; and even, 1 
might sav, in a government resting essentially on public opinion, a dangerous one. In war 
it isdifTeVeiit. The privation, itis true, maybe equal or greater, but the public mind, un- 
der the strong impulses of that state of things, becomes steeled against sufferings. The dif- 
ference is almost infinite, between the passive and active state of the mind. Tie down a 
liero, and he feels the puncture of a pin ; throw him into battle, and he is almost insensible 
to vital gashes. So in^war, impelled alternately by hope and fear; stimulated by reyeiigc; 
(ieoressed by shame, or elevated by victory, the people become invincible. No privation 
cau 'vike their fortitude; no calamity break their spirit. Even when equally successful, 
th contrast between the two systems is s'riking. War and restriction may leave the coun- 
tiT e()ually exhausted, but the latter not only leaves you poor, but, even when successful, 
di'^; ii ''(Hi, divided, discontented ; with diminished patriotism, and tlie morals of a consider- 
able portion of your people rorrupted. Not so in war. In that state the common danger 
unites all, strengthens the bonds of society, and feeds the flame of patriotism. The national 
character mounts to energy In exchange for the expenses and privations of war, you ob- 
tain mihtary and naval skill, and a more perfect organization of such parts of your adminis- 
.^ration ns are conni<:ted with the science of national defence. Sir, are ihese advantages 
to be counted as trifles, in the present state of the world .-' Can they be measured by moni- 
«;d valuation ? — I would prefer a single victory over the enemy by sea or land, to all the good 
we shall ever derive from the continuation of the non-impor ation act. I know not that a 
victory would produ'e an equal pressure on the enemy, but I am certain of what is of great- 
er consequence, it would be accompanied by more salutary effects on ourselves. The me- 
moir of Saratoga, Princeton and Eutaw is immortal. It is there you will find the country's 
boast and pride ; the inexhaustible source of great and heroic sentiments. But what will 
history say of restriction ? What examples worthy of imitation will it ''urnish posterity .' 
What pride, what pleasure, will our children find in the events of such times? Let me not 
be considered romantic. 

" This nation ought to be taught to rely on its own courage, its fortitude, its skill and vir- 
tue for protection. These are the only safeguards in the hour of danger. Man was cudu.- 
ed with these great qualities for his defence. There is nothing about him that indicates 
that he is to conquer by endurance. He is not incrustcd in a shell : he is not taught to rely 
upon his insensibility, his passive suffering, for defence. No, sir: it is on the invincible 
mind, on a magnanimous nature, he ought to rely. Here is the superiority of our kind ; it 
is these that render man the Lord of the worW. It is the destiny of his condition, that na- 
tions rise above nations, as they are endued in a greater degree with these brilliant quali- 
ties." 

Eloquence worthy of Demosthenes ! sentiments worthy of the best days of 
Greece and Rome ! and political reflections that would do fionor to the most ex- 
perienced statesman! If the picture had been drawn after the war, he could not 
have described its beneficial effects with a nicer precision. 

In March, 1814, soon after the first dethronement of Bonaparte, to the eye of the 
timid, our affairs assumed a gloomy and disheartening aspect. Tlie whole power 
of our enemy, flushed with success, was about to be poured in upon us. The op- 
position, vigilant and powerful, seized upon the occasion to embarrass the govern- 
ment, and used every effort to defeat the Loan Bill ; a measure essential to the 
finances of the country. They denounced the war as unjust and inexpedient 
and painted tho hopelessness of the unequal congest in which we were engaged- 



Mr. Caliiown replied, in a speech, wliicli no American cau read without having.^ 
his feelings raised to a pitch of" moral elevation," which it is the prerogative of 
wisdom, eloquently spoken, only to excite. 

To show the expediency of the war, he took a historical view of the British 
maritime usurpations from the celebrated rule of 1756, up to the time of the dis- 
cussion ; and demonstrated that these aggressions were not accidental or tempo- 
rary, but that they entered essentially into the system of the maritime policy ot 
the enemy. From this luminous view of the origin, nature and principle o» the 
wrongs we suffered, he clearly showed both the flimsinessof the pretexts by which 
the enemy sought to justify them, and the folly of expecting to obtain redress by 
sheathing the sword, and throwing ourselves upon the justice of the enemy. In 
concluding his view of the subject, he proceeded as follows : 

" This country was left alone to support the rights of neutrals. Perilous was the condi- 
'.ion, and arduous the task. We were not intimidated. We »tood opposed to British usur- 
nation, and by our spirit and elTorts have done all in our power to save the last vcstit;cs of 
iieutral rights. But, say our opponents, these efforts are lost, and our condition hopeless, 
if so, it only remains for us to assume the garb of our condition. We must submit, humbly 
submit, crave pardon, and hug our chains. It is not wise to provoke, where we cannot re- 
sist. But first let us be well assured of the hopelessness of our state, before we sink into 
submission. On what do our opponents rest this despondent and slavish beliel ? On the re- 
.;eirt events in Europe .' I admit they are great, and well calculated to impose on the ima- 
o-ination. Our enemy never presented a more imposing exterior. His fortune is at the 
ilood. But I am admonished, bv universal experience, that such prosperity is the most pre- 
carious of human conditions. From the flood the tide dates its ebb. From the meridian the 
sun commences his decline. Depend upon it, there is more of soiuid philosophy than of fic- 
tion in the fickleness which poets attribute to fortune. Prosperity has its weakness; ad- 
versity its strength, lu many respects our enemy has lost by those very changes which 
seem so very much in his favor. He can no more claim to be struggling for existence ; no 
more to be fighting the battles of the world, in defence of the liberties of mankind. The 
Diatie cry of French influence is lost. In this very hall we are not strangers to thai L-ound. 
Here, even here, the cry of French influence, that baseless fiction, drat phantom ot faction, 
now banished, often resounded. I rejoice that the spell is broken, by which it was attempt- 
ed to bind the spirit of this youthful nation. The minority can no longer .act under cover, 
but must come out and defend their opposition on its own intrinsic merits." — " Our exam- 
ple can scarcely fail to produce its eftects on other nations interested in the maintenance 
of maritime rights. But if, unfortunately, we should be left alone to maintain the contest ; 
and if, which may God forbid, necessity should compel us to yield for the present, vet our 
generous efforts will not have been lost. A mode of thluking, and a tone of seniimeni have 
gone abroad, which must stimulate to future and more successful struggles. What could 
not be effected with eight millions of people, will be done with twenty. The great cause 
will never be yielded; no, never, never."— " Sir, I hear the future audibly announced in the 
past— in the splendid victories over the Guerriere, Java, and Macedonian. We, and all m- 
lions, are, by these victories, taught a lesson never to be forgotten. Opinion is power. The 
c/ifinn of Biitish 7utvalim'incibUitij is gone.'' 

Such were the animating strains by which Mr. Calhoun, nearly ten years ago, 
roused his country to action amidst a complication of adverse circumstances, cal- 
culated to overwhelm the feeble and appal the stoutest. Never faltering, never 
doubting, never despairing of the Republic, he was at once the " stately colum4i'^ 
of his party, and the beacon-light of his country. 

At the close of the war, such was the confidence reposed in the integrity and 
talents of Mr. Calhoun and such his practical energy of character, that he had 
a principal agency in such legislative measures, as were necessary for the organi- 
zation of a peace establisliment. 

In fixing the number of the army, Mr. Madison was understood to be in favor 
of twenty thousand ; Mr. Clay contended for at least fifteen thousand ;* and Mr. 
Calhoun insisted that it ought not to be higher than ten thousand ; contending 
then, as he has always done since, that the great point was not to have the esta- 
blishment large, hvit permanent and well organized. Frequent changes, he said, 
destroy the spirit and zeal of the officers, and the organization of the army; de- 
feating the very object of the establishment. With the same general views, he 
zealously supported the Military Academy at West Point ; an institution then 



T- 



f Gen. 3raiib, our Senator in Congress, voted for l5,O0O. ' 



8 

struggling agair>st powerful prejudices, but noiv the general favorite of the nation. 
It is beyond question the cheapest and the safesl mode of diffusing military*sciT 
ence through the country. 

While Mr. Calhoun has always contended for maintaining our establishments 

for national defence, upon a scale commensurate with our resources, and adapted 

to our existing and probable relations with the great powers of the earth, he ha's 

as uniformly contended for strict economy in the public disbursements, and ex- 

■ emjdified his theory by his practice. 

He was the first to introduce a law depriving the executive of the power of 
transferring money from one head of appropriation to another, and make all ap- 
propriations specific. This measure he supported by a speech, in which he ably 
enforced the necessity of //m< strict accounlahiliiy in public «g-fJi/5, which, as 
Secretary of War, he has since introduced v/ith such signal advantage to the 
country. 

In 1816, a proposition to repeal the direct taxes gave rise to a debate on tlie 
state of the republic, involving a discussion of the policy of the country in time of 
peace. The speech delivered by Mr. Calhoun on that occasion, elicited a burst 
of approbation, and extorted from a member, not friendly to the orator, this invo- 
luntary exclamation : " what a prodigious effort of the human mind !" The edi- 
tors of the Intelligencer stated, in their notice of it, that Mr. Calhoun might safely 
rest " his fame as a statesman and orator" upon that single production. I regret 
that of this speech, as of that on the Loan BslK I can only give a few detached 
sentences. Taken together, they contain a summary of ail that can be said 
ofthe interests of the Republic, and the duties of the government in war and in 
peace. After taking a profoimd view of our probable relations with other pow- 
ers, and the policy which we should pursue towards them, he proceeded to consi- 
der the measures of preparation necessary for our defence : 

" The navy, said he, most certainly, in every point of view, occupies the first place. It is 
the most safe, most effectual, and the cheapest mode of defence. We have heard much of 
the danger of standing armies to our liberties ; the objection cannot be made to a navy. — 
Generals, it must be acknowledged, have often advanced at the head of armies to imperial 
rank and power; but in v.hat instance had an Admiral usurped the liberties of his country?" 

" In regard U) the miliiia, I would go as far as any man ; and considerably farther than 
those would, who are so violently opposed to our small army. I know the danger of large; 
standing armies ; I know the militia are tlie true force; that no nation can be safe at home 
and abroad which has not an efficient militia. 

" The maritime frontier is our weak side, and ought to be rendered strong. There are 
twoix)ints in it particularly weak, the mouths ofthe Mississippi and the Chesapeake Bay— 
■which ought to be cautiously attended to — not, however, neglecting others. 1 he adminis- 
tration which leaves these two points in another war without fortification, ought to receive 
the execration of the country. Look at the facility afforded by the Chesapeake Bay to 
maritime powers in attacking us. If to its margin we add those of its rivers, navigable for 
vessels of war, it makes an addition of 1400 miles to the line of out sea-coast ; and that of 
the most vulnerable character; for an enemy is there so securely protected, that he is with- 
out the fear of being driven from his po-ition. He has, besides, the povyer of assaulting 
two shores at the same time, and must be expected on boih. Under such circumstances, no 
degree of expense would be too great for its defence. The whole margin ol' the Bay is, 
besides, an extremely sickly one, and fatal to the militia of the upper country." 

After indicating the various other defensive preparations demanded by the 
true and permanent interests of the country, he enforces his views by the follow- 
ing eloquent and impressive peroration : 

" The people, I believe, are intelligent and virtuous. The more wisely, then, you act, 
the less vou yield to the temptation of ignoble and false security, the more you will attract 
their confidence. .-Mreadv they go far, verv far before this House, in energy and public spi- 
rit. If ever measures of 'this kind become unpopular, i will be by speeches here. 1 do 
sincerely hope that the members of this House are the real agents of the people ; they are 
sent here, not to consult their ease and convenience, but their general defence and common 
welfare. Such is the language of the Constitution. In discharge of the sacred trust re- 
posed in me by those for whom I act, I have faithfully pointed out those measures which 
our situation and relation to the rest of the world render necessary for our security and 
Jasting prospei itv. I know of no situation so responsible, if properly considered, as ours.-— 
'jVe are charged by Providence uot only with the happiness of this great and risu)| people, 



9 

{jiit, in a consideralilo lipprop, wiib tL;it of tlie liiimna racp. We have a governniPnt of fi 
Hew Older, perfectly disiinet from all which li;»ve prcce<led it. A j;overnmeiit, foHnded on 
the rights of luan ; resting, not on authority, uot ou prejudire, not on superstition, but 
reason. If it shall succeed, as fondly hoped by its founders, it will be the coniniencenieat 
of a new era in Imnian atVaiis. All civilized governnienis must, in the course of time, con- 
form to its principles Thus rireunistamed. can you hesilate what course to choose .'— 
The road that wi-^dom indicates, leads, it is true, up the steep, but leads also to .security and 
lasting glory. No n:ition that wants the foi-titiidc to tread it, ouj^ht ever to aspire to great- 
ness. Such oasht to sink, and will sink, into the list of those thrft h»\c done nothing to be 
remembered. It is immutable ; it is in the nature of things. The love of present ease and 
pleasure, indifierencc .ibout the future, that fatal weaknessof human nature, has never fail- 
ed, in in(iividiials or nations, to sink to disgrace and ruin. On the contrary, virtue and wis* 
(loui, which regard the future, which spurn the temptations of the moment, however rugged 
their path, end in happiness. Such are the universal scntinients of all wise writers, iVotn 
the didactics of the philosopher to the ti<-tions of the poet. They agree, and inctilcate, that 
pleasure is a flowery path, leading otT among groves and gardens, but ending in a drearj' 
wilderness — that it is tlie Syren's voice, which he who listens to, is ruined — tha: it is tJie 
cup of Circe, of which, whosoc\er drinks, is converted intoaswine. This is the language 
iif iictioi) ; reason teaches the same. It is my wish to elevate the national sentin.ent to 
that which animates every ju'-t and virtuous mind. No effort is needed hero to impel us tlio 
opposite way. That may be too s:d\ly trusted to the frailties of our nature. This nation is 
now in a situation similar lo that which one of the most beautiful wriiersof antiquity ascribes 
to Hercules in his youth : He represents the hero as retiring into the wilderness, to delibei"* 
ate on the course of life which he ougli: lo choo.se. Two Goddesses approached him ; one 
reconimen<iing to him a life of ease and pleasure, the other of labor and v.rtue. The Hero 
adopied the counsel of the latter, and his fame and ghn-y are known to the world. May 
this nation, the youthful Hercules, possei^siiig his Ibini and muscles, be animated by similar 
..sentiments, -and follow his example'." 

Anotlier great pailinmentary crtbit was made by Mr. Calhotin about this time 
on tlie "treaty making power." The late Mr. Pinkney, wiio followed in debate, 
."•aid — " The .strong power of genius from a higlier region than that of argument 
liad tlirown on (the question) all the light wit!) which it is the prerogative of genius 
to invest and illustrate every thing." And still more directly — "The gentlemao 
trom South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) has exhausted the correct constitutional 
^irounds of the question, and left him nothing but to recapitulate his arguntents." 

I have quoted these complimentary notices as well to justify the hi^h anticipa- 
tions of the Enquirer, expressed on Mr. Calhoun's first appearance in Congress, 
a-s because I have not, at this moment, the speeches by me to exhibit for ihem- 
."^elves. 

Mr. Calhoun was the fust who proposed in Congress the establishment of a 
liermanent fund for internal improvements, by setting apart for that object the 
honus paid by the U. S. Bank for its charter, and the dividends of the stock in 
that institution belonging to the government. I shall conclude this rapid glance 
at his Congressional services, by making an extract, containing one of this views', 
jVom the speech he delivered in support of liis pitjposition : 

" But when we come to consider (said he) how intimately the strength and prosperity of 
lUe Republic are connected with the subject, we find tlvc most urgent reasons why we should 
apply our resources to the construction of roads and canals. In many respects, no country, 
'if et|ual population and wealth, po.-sesses etjual materials for power with ours. The people, 
in muscular vigor, in hardy and ciitei]>riziiig habits, and in a lofty and gallant courage, arc 
SLurpassed by none. In one respect, and, in my opinion, in one only, we are niateriaFht' 
weak. \S'e occupy a surface proilisiouslygreat in proportion to our numbers. Tlvc com- 
mon strength is brought, with difficulty, to bear upon the point that may bu nieiiaeod by an 
enemy." " Hood roads and canals, judiciously laid out, are the proper remedy. In tlie re- 
rent war, how iiHicli did we sjufler for the want of them ! Besides tne tardiness and conse- 
quent ineflicieiicy of our military movements, to what increased eX|>ense was the country 
put, for the irticlc of transportation alone ! In the event of another war, the saving, in this 
particular, wowld go furto\>ards indemnilyiug us for the evpenses of constructing the means 
of transportanon." 

After explaining tlie importance of roads and canals in the fiscal o[>eratk)ns of 
the government, and in restoring the equilibrium of the currency, disturbed by 
disbursing the revenue at the seat of war, he proceeds : 

'• But on this subject of national power, what can be more important than a perfect luii- 
y, in every part, of fee'.in.^? and inttrresL.' And whnt can (end nsorc [wwt^fuJIy taprodufce 
& 



10 

it, than overconiing the effects of distance ? No people, enjoying freedom, ever occHpIc4 
any thing like so great an extent orcou.Ury as this Rcpuldic. One hundrecl years ago, the 
most profound philosophers did not believe it even possible. They did not suppose that 
a piire republic could exist on so great a seale as even the island of Great Britain. W1h»i 
was then considered chimerical, we now have the (elicity to enjoy ; and what is most re- 
urarkable, sucli is the hanpy mould of our •'overnment, so well are the state and general 
powers blended, that much of our political liappincss dra_ws its origin from the extent (if 
our republic. It has exempted us from most of the causes which distracted the small Re- 
publics of antiquity: let it not, however, be forgotten; let it foreser be kept in mind, tliatit 
exposes us to the greatest of all calamitic: , next to the loss of liberty, and even lo that in 
its consequences — disunion. We arc great, and rapidly, I was about to say fearfully, throw- 
ing. This is our pride and our dangc.'7 our weakness and our strengdi. Little ("said he) 
does he deserve to be entrusted with the destinies of this people, who does not raise his 
mind to these truths. VVe are under tac r;)ost imperious obligations to counteract c e-y ten- 
dency to disunion. The strongest (if all cements is, undoubtedly, the wi'^dom, justice, and 
above all, the moderation of this house; yet the great subject, on which we are now delibe- 
rating, in this respect deserves the most serious consideration. Whatever impedes the in- 
tfercourse of the extremes with this, the centre of the Republic, weakens the Union. The 
wore enlarged the sphere of commercial circulation; the more extended that of social in- 
tercourse; the more strongly are we bound together, the more inseparable our destijiies. 
Those who understand the human heart, know how powerfully dislaiice tends to break the 
sympathies of our nature. Nothing, not even dissimilarity of language, tends more to 
estrange man from man. Let »is then (s^id he) bind the Republic togethei , with a perfect 
system of roads and canals. Let us conquer space." — " Blessed with a form of govern- 
ment, at once combining liberty and strength, W<j may reasonably raise our eyes to a most 
Splendid future, if we only act in a manner worthy of our advantages. If, however, neglect- 
ing them, we permit a low, sordid, .selfish, sectional spirit to take jjossessiou of this house, 
this happy scene will vanish. We shall divide, and, as consequences, -will follow misery 
and despotism." 

In the spirit of these enlightened and patriotic view s, Mr. C.4.liioun, since he 
has been Secretary of War, presented to the House of Representatives, in obe- 
dience to a resolution of that body, a luminous Report on the same subject. Mr. 
Calhoun succeeded Mr. Crawford, as Secretary of War. Here a new field was 
opened to his genius, industry, and love of order and economy. The departinent 
in all its branches stood in its original " confusion — worse confounded" by the 
prodigious masses of unsettled war accounts which had been seven years accum- 
ulating. These are now destined to be broken up and despatched. The mere 
manual part of the labour, and also .such decisions as rested on express provisions 
of law, devolved, of course, on the subordinate officers of the departinent. But 
in all doubtful cases of expenditure, and particularly in the settlement of state 
claims for militia services rendered, u personal reference to the Secretary, under 
the same provisions of law, beoiime indispensable. In December, 1817, whea 
Mr. C. came into office, the amount ofthe.se unsettled debts and credits was more 
than forty inillions of dollars. This enormous mass has already been reduced to 
a mere modicum, and the amount found due to the United States received or put 
into suit for collection. A similar instance of despatch in the settlement of war- 
accounts, it is believed, never occurred in the experience of any other govern- 
ment. In England, it is said, they u.sually remain unaudited for half a century. 
Great credit is certainly due to the accounting officers attached to the war de- 
partment, for their share in these appalling labours; and, I doubt not, that they 
were, from the first, equally ready and willing to perform their duties ; but it is as 
certainly true, that, for the want of an efficient head, little or nothing had been 
done before Mr. Calhoun's appoir.tmtMit. For the truth of these facts I refer to 
the reports annually made to Congress, of what is termed ^ufch'c defaulters — that 
is, of the progress made in the unrolling of these manuscripts — which, like those 
buried in Pompeii and Herculanenm, might have slept for centuries but for the 
new genius that presided over the work of disinterment, 

Mr. Calhoun had scarcely entered on his new duties, when Congress passed an 
act granting pensions to the survivors of the revolutionary army and navy, and 
referring the whole subject to tlie war department. It is believed that the number 
of applicants, for the benefits of this act, luts been more than sixty thousand. — 
Now, it was manifest on reflection, that, under the very strict limitations imposed 



11 

by Congress, the sur^^ivors entitled to be placed on the pension list could not 
equal a third of that number. This mustering host of claims, was, therefore, t!i 
be examined in detail, as well to save the Treasury from imposition, as to be cer- 
tain that not one individual, whose early patriotism, and existing penury, entitled 
him to national assistance, should be disappointed. Both these objects have been 
attained, with as much certainty as ever attended the decisions of the highest 
judicial tribunals, and the number of revolutionary pensioners, under that act, 
reduced to about sixteen thousand. And here I do not hazard contradiction from 
any candid mind, acquainted with the facts, when I assert, that Mr. Calhoun, 
in the performance of his Herculean labour, has, by his extraordinary habits of 
business and powers of discrimination, saved the United States at least a million 
of dollars annnally, since 1818— a saving that will be continued, though on a 
declining scale, for the next fifteen or twenty years ! 

When Mr. Calhoun took charge of the War Department, Mr. Crawford, 
his predecessor, had lett it in the utmost confusion ; having made no single effort 
to correct the abuses, the extravagance, and the waste, which had crept into the 
system during the war. By a new organization, grand in its results, but, like all 
the improvements of genius, simple in its principles and machinery, every abuse 
has been corrected, and the utnqost economy substituted in the place of wasteful 
extravagance. All the subordinate agents of the disbursing departments are res- 
ponsible for all the public money, or public property, which passes through their 
hands, to an administrative head at the seat of government, who sanctions their 
accounts only for expenses actually ^ndproperhj made; whereas, before the new 
organization, these accounts \vere submitted directly to the Auditors, who sanc- 
tioned and passed them, of course, on the production of vouchers for the actual 
expenditure, without any inquiry into its propriety. 

One of the most important branches of the system, which I have thus generally 
characterized, is the commissariat ; by means of which, the army is supplied with 
prtivisions by commissaries, subject to military responsibility, and under the con- 
trol of a head at the seat of government. By this improvement, the manifold im- 
positions, formerly practised by contractors, have been effectiially avoided ; the 
army is uniformly supplied with good rations; military operations are no longer 
liable to be defeated, by the default of persons not subject to miUtary rules; and 
the expense of the supplies has been reduced to a degree that will hardly be cred- 
ited. This great improvement, Mr. Calhoun fust proposed in Congress during 
the late war, and finally and effectually recommended in an able report as Secre- 
tary of War. 

The result of this new organization of the administrative branches of thestaff, 
part of which the radicals in Congress attempted to destroy, has been an aggre- 
gate annual saving, in the military expenditure, (with an increased efficiency of 
the army,) of a much larger sum than has been saved by all the quackery of ra- 
dical amputation, for the lact five years. By ofl^cial documents submitted to 
Congress, it is demonstrated, that the reduction of the annual expenditure for the 
support of the army proper, effected by Mr. Calhoun's superior organization 
and superior administration, and independent of the reduction of the numbers of 
the army, and independent too of the reduction of prices, though the pay, being 
fixed bylaw, could not be reduced, amounts in the aggregate to the sum ol one 
million three hundred and forty-nine thousand two hundred and eighteen dol- 
lars. Or, t© express the same result in a different form, the annual cost of each 
individual, (officers and soldiers being reduced to a coumion average,) has been 
reduced from four hundred and fifty-one dollars fifty-seven cents, to two hundred 
and eighty-seven dollars and two cents. 

The saving effected by this reform alone, during the six years of Mr. Cal- 
houn's administration of the War Department, will account for the surplus of 
5 9,000,000, which the President in his Message, at the opening of Congress, 
stated, would be in the Treasury on the first day of tliis year. If to this ba ad- 
ded, for the last five years, the million which has been annually iaved, from ^ 



lii 

ijljle n^nner iii which he ekecuted the duties devolveil upon hiin by the Pensioii 
Law, it will appear, that but for him, iiistend of haviii}:; this large surplus, we 
should now be obligeil to resort to taxes or loans to supply a deficit in the Trea- 
sury. 

These extraordinary results can only be accounted for by that system of ri^:i<i 
;ind p«rfect accountability, which has bce:i introduced into every branch of ex- 
penditure, under the control of the War Department. The last annual Report of 
the Secretary, transmitted by the President to Congress, at the opening of the 
session, states that "of the entire amount of money, drawn from the Treasury, in 
the year 1822, for military service, including Pensions, amounting to S 1,&71,901 
91, although it passed through the hands of 291 disbursing agents, there has not 
been a single defalcation, nor the loss of a cent to the government. The dis- 
bursements of the three first quarters of this year (182.},) iiave been equally satis- 
factory, and there is every reason to believe, that no defalcation or loss will occur 
in the year." 

The expenditure of so large a snm of money, passing through such a number 
of hands, without any lossthiough fraud or negligence, I hazard nothing in as- 
serting, never before was made, by any department in our government, and I 
think I may add, with equal safety, in any government; and well entitles the Se- 
cretary to the high approbation pronounced by the President in iiis late message, 
upon every branch of the administration of the War Department. Yet, strange 
to tell, John C. Calhoun is the man, whom the radicals, waging war against trutli 
itself, charge with extravagance ! 

Such is the contrast between enlightened and practical views, carried into ef- 
fect with systematic and laborious exertions, and perpetual clamours about re- 
trenchment, either ending in words, or accompanied by unskilful attempts at re- 
form, tending to prcxluce disorganization. 

The same principle of organization which exists in the disbursing departments, 
has been extended to every branch of the general stafl'of the army. By means 
of the judicious division of labour, and a connected system of responsibility, cen- 
tering in the Secretary of War, the utmost efficiency has been given to the army 
in its operations. It is admitted, by the most intelligent, if not all, of the officers 
of the army, that the organization of tlie staff is superior to that of any army in 
the world ; essentially different from the French, and decidedly better adapted to 
tbe geographical and political character of our country. 

In the Military Academy at West-Point, Mr. Calhoun has introduced such 
striking improvements, that, from being unpopular, it lias become the admiration 
of every visiter, the general favorite of the nation, and, as the President states in 
bis message, " has attained a degree of perfection in its discipline and instruction, 
equal, as is believed, to any institution of this kind, in any country." Such is its 
inflexible disciplina, and such the success with which the principle of honor 
is made subservient to that discipline, that a young man cannot graduate without 
first rate acquirements, and exemplary moral habits. The change already pro- 
duced in the character of the army, by this and other co-operating and depend- 
ent causes, is striking, and must increase. Drunkenness and gambling are now 
unknown in the army. No class of citizens is more moral in its habits than the 
officers. 

But we cannut realize the full benefits of Mr. Calhoun's labours in the War 
Dejrartment, until we consider the ell'ect of his improvements in the event of war. 
Suppose, fwexainple, ilie projects of the Holy Alliance should render it necessary 
that we should defend our domestic altars, the tombs ofom- fathers, and our general 
liberty, against the myrmidonsof despotism, what would be the military capacity of 
thecouutry,derived from t!ie peace establishment? O^in^ toihe present organiza- 
tion, connected with the West-Point Academy, we could iiave, in six months, a 
regular army of thirty thou^arid men in the field, i ^''fecfly organized in all its 
branches, ar.d rnnniiandi.ni bv officers at least eciual to those of any peace estab- 
lishment in Kurope. Thus, by th?, expense of si.K tliousand men, so organized 



and officered as fo Be capable of a prompt enlargeroeot, we have the military ca* 
pacity, the defensive power of thirty. But this is not all. Our extensive coast 
has been surveyed by skilful and scientific engineers; a system of fortification? 
wisely projected, is rapidly advancing; and a minute knowledge of the topogra- 
phy of our whole line of exposed frontier, will enable the head of the depart- 
ment, by a glance at the maps in the office of the topographical engineer, to deter- 
mine, as to each point of attack, how vulnerable and how defensible it may he.- 
With a peace establishment less expensive than that which existed previous to the 
late war, we are half a century advanced in military power. These are the rC' 
suits of wisdom and genius, profiting by the lessons of experience. 

It is only by the perfect order and system introduced into the business of tlie 
War Department, that it is possible to explain how Mr. Calhoun has found time 
and means for the despatcli of the old accounts of the war before mentioned ; the 
examination of claims for revolutionary pensions; the thorough revivification of 
fhe military academy — the source of professional science ; the establishment of 
a uniform and vigorous discipline throughout the army— supported by the most 
rigorous economy in expenditures ; a survey of our maritime frontier, by offi- 
cers of the engineers; the institution of a system of permanent fortification by 

which our coasts will soon be rendered invulnerable to any enemy : the estab- 
lishment of a cordon of military posts, stretching from the upper lakes, around 
our western frontier — as physical and moral shackles on Indian hostilities;* and, 
finally, for his duties as a cabinet councillor, in which capacity, he is well known 
to have given to the measures of the President an honest and efficient support. 

From the foregoing hasty review of the political life and conduct of John C. 
Calhoun, you will perceive. Fellow Citizens,that for the last twelve years, he hag 
been either the author or supporter of almost every important measure which has 
contributed to the welfare and honor of the republic; and that his claims upon 
your support as a candidate for the Presidency, rest upon various and distinguish- 
ed services, upon spotless and unsus(>ected integrity, and talents of the highest 
order. A thorough knowledge of his character, qualifications and political sys-; 
tern, has of late become a subject of the greater interest, because it is manifest, 
from the rapid progress which he has been making for the last year in the favor 
of almost all parts of the union, more especially in New-York,'Ohio, and Con- 
necticut, in which States his popularity has been so rapidly increasing, that he 
will, in all probability, before the election comes on, become the favorite candi- 
date in allof them,if he be not so already, as he unquestionably is in North-Ca- 
rolina, South-Carolina, Pennsylvania and New-Jersey ; it is manifest, I say , that 
.so far from not being a real candidate, as it has been most absurdly and indus- 
triously reported, he is in fact the on/j/ one of all the candidates, who has now any 
chance of being chosen by the electors : for, if in addition to the votes of the 
States just enumerated, he receives the votes of Maryland, he will have the ma- 
jority of the whole number of electors. 

On the other hand, what chance have the other candidates of obtaining a ma. 
jority of the electoral votes? In the first place; suppose that Mr. ADAMs^should, 
contrary to present appearances, get the votes of Connecticut, (in which State 
an United States' Senator, favorable to Mr. Calhoun, has recently been appoint- 
ed,) in addition to those of the other New-England States, he will still have only 
j1 votes — and where is he to obtain 80 more, the number which is requisite to 
make 131, the smallest majority ? ■• 

. In the next place, suppose that Mr. Crawford should obtain the votes of 
Georgia, Virginia, and Delaware, the onlv States that can with any certainty be 
calculated on to vote for him, he will have SO votes only. vVhere will he get 9i 
more-, winch are necessary to make a majority ? Even if the votes of New- 

* It will be remembered, that the Mandaii villase was df:<cd an essential link in this. 
rordon. Congress slopped the expedition at tha Council Bluffs. The rci-.nt hostilities in 
'hat qaaricTj ure the result; 



14 

York and North-CaroHna, which his sanguine friends slill affect to claim for hiiu^ 
be given to him, 4t more will still be wanting i^ give him a majority. 

In the third place; let us suppose, that M;, Clay will get the votes of Kentuc- 
ky, Missouri, Indiana and Illinois, he will have 25 votes only in his favor, li) 
contrary to recent appearances, the votes of Ohio be added to the number, he 
will have only 41. Give him even the votes oi" New-York, which some of hi? 
friends claim for him, and he will still have only 77 — less than a bare majority, 
by 54. 

And lastly, let us consider Gen. Jackson's prospects. Tennessee, Louisiana, 
Mississippi and Alabama, can give him but 24 votes. If to these you add the 
votes of Pennsylvania, tiie only Atlantic State, wliich his most sanguine friends 
(Claim for him, and he will still have but 5ii electors in his favor. 

The foregoing calculations are made on the supposition, that ail the distinguish- 
ed citizens, who are now named as candidates, will continue to be so, and that 
their support will depend upon their primary interests respectively. If, on the 
contrary, one or more of (hem should retire from the contest previous to the 
election, the chances of success for those who remain will depend very materi- 
ally upon their secondary interests: by which I mean the reversionary or contin- 
gent interest, whicii a candidate derives from being the second choice of a State, 
where he is not the Jirst. This secondary interest will have a still more decisive 
influence upon the result, if, (as very probably will be the case,) there should not 
be a majority of the electors in favor of any one of the candidates,and the election 
should devolve upon the House of Representatives, where the vote is by States, 
and tlie choice limited to the three highest on the lists of those voted for as Pre- 
sident. Let us now consider the operation of this secondary interest upon tire 
election in both these cases. In either case it will decide the question. 

Whatever difference of opinion may exist with respect to the pHmary interest 
of the several candidates, I believe there is no fact, in relation to the Presidential 
election, more unquestionable or undisputed, than that the secondary interest of 
Mr Calhoun is much stronger than that of any of the candidates. In almost 
every State in the union, where a decided manifestation of a preference for other 
candidates has been made, Mr. Calhoun is as decidedly the second choice. 
Thus, private information from the west, as well as the public prints, place it be- 
yond a doubt, that Mr. Clay's friends generally put Mr Calhoun next to him, 
and'prefer him to all the otiier candidates. The same is true of Gen. Jackson's 
friends : even in Georgia Mr. Calhoun is preferred to all the candidates except 
Mr. Crawford. And throughout New-England, where Mr. Adams is the^r*^, 
Mr. Ci'lhoun is invariably the second choice. This fact is established by vari- 
ous private accounts of unquestionable authority, as well as the public journals. 
It matters not what candidate may retire from the contest, Mr. Calhoun tcill he 
a gainer. This cannot be said of any other candidate. This fact alone demon- 
strates, that, whatever sectional preferences exist in favor of the other candidates 
from locality or special reasons, so far as a national preference has been manifest- 
ed, it has been decidedly in Mr. Calhoun's favor. He is in the situation of 
Themistocles, when the ten Athenian gcnei :ils were obliged to mscribe the names 
of the two generals out of the ten, who had, in their opinion, respectively render- 
ed the most distinguished services in a recent battle, with a view to determine to 
whom the meed of superior merit was to be awarded. Each commander's name 
Wdsfrstupon his own ticket — that of Themistocles was second on all but his own. 

From this circumstance, two inferences, I think may, with great confidence, 
t)e drawn, viz. 

1st, That if the number of candidates should be reduced, so as to render a de- 
cision by the electors probable, the friends of the retiring candidates xuill fall ha4:k 
upon their second choice, and IMr. Cul'.ioun wilt be elected. 

i2dly, Ifthe election shpnid devolve upon the House of Representatives, Mr. 
Calluiun will be chosen, fie bdng the only candidate, in %oho$e faxor^ on account 



15 

pf his secondary intefest, an union of the different sections of Ihc country can be 

made. 

The general secondary preference for Mr. Cai-houn, where he is, from local 
feelings", or other causes, not the j?rs/ choice, from which this result is deduced, 
is satisfactorily accounted for hy tiie circumstance that his opinions have, at 
all limes, frankly, fully, and without the le.ist disguise, heen set forth, either in 
speeches or reports, which are on record, in relation to all the leading measures 
In which the country at large feels a deep interest, in relation to a navy, fortifica- 
tious, a military peace establishnient, commerce, manufactures, and internal 
improvement. His political system, embracing a just protection of all those es- 
sential interests, is knoum, has been uniform, and constitutes a truly nulional 
policy. Hence, you hear of no objection being made to him in any quarter ol" 
the country, (except on the score of age,) unless by the Radicals, whose system 
of depletion and parsimonious reduction is at open war with that of Mr. Cal- 
Hou>, but on the contrary, you hear every where a general and strong expression 
of admiration for his talents', of respect for his services, esteem for his unsullied 
private and public character, and approbation of his large and liberal views: 
while, on the other hand, Mr. Adams is spoken of as the candidate of the JSTorth, 
Mr. Clay of the West, Gen. Jackson, because of his military services, and Mr. 
Crawford, because he is the only leader under whom the rarficoZ party can 
rally. You will perceive, therefore, upon a moment's reflection, that there is no 
principle of union between the supporters of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clat, by 
which a combination could be formed for a joint support of either one of the two. 
Nor could a union be formed between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Adams' friends^ 
nor between the friends of Mr. Crawford and the friends of either of the other 
candidates. There is no obstacle, however, in the way of an union of all, except 
the Radicals, in support of Mr. Calhoun, because his pretensions to the Presi- 
dency are not bottomed upon particular reasons or local considerations, but upon 
his services, qualifications and broad national system of policy, which makes him 
the second choice of almost all, who do not place h\m Jirst upon tlie list of candi- 
dates. It is upon him, therefore, that the friends of those who are resj^ectively 
favorites from local considerations or special reasons, will naturally, and must of 
necessitv, fall back, when obliged to give up their first choice, as the greater part 
of them will of course be, either among the electors, or if they make no choice» 
among the members of Congress. 

Let us now suppose, that the electors have made no choice, and that the House 
of Representatives (voting by States,) are about to select from the three highest 
upon the list of those who have been voted for as President. Let Mr. Calhoun, 
Mr. Adams, and Mr. Crawford, be the three. If, after the first ballot, Mf. 
Crawford should appear to have no chance, as he proi)ably would from the 
small number of States, which are known to be in his favor, and the contest 
should lie between Mr. Adams and Mr. Calhoun ; can there be a doubt, from 
present appearances, that the South and West, in which sections of the country 
Mr. Calhocn is undoubtedly the second choice, wherever he is not the^trs^, will 
unite with a majority of the middle States in his support.' 

Let us suppose again, that Mr. Clay, who is confessedly weak with the elec- 
tors, should nevertheless be stronger than Mr. Crawford, and should come be- 
fore the House of Representatives with IVlessrs. Adams and Calhoun. If he 
gets all the w estern States, he will have hut 8 votes out of 24. But it is most pro- 
bable that two of the western Stales will prefer Calhoun. Then the contest would 
be again between Adams and Calhoun, and as the latter is the second choice of 
Mr. Clay's friends, the result will be the same as before. 

Again — suppose Mr. Adams to be the weakest upon the first ballot, and th« 
contest to lie between Clay and Calhoun. All New England would join the 
middle and southern Siat.'s in support of Culhoun. 

There would be still le^s doubt of the lesult, if, contrary to all probability, thr 
Qontest should lie between Calhoun and Crawford, or Calhoun and Jackson. 



16 

Tiiu9, all the views which I think can reasonably be (aken of the Presicknt'mt 
flection, lead to the result, that Mr. Calhoun's chance of success, on account of- 
his secondary interest, which has generally been kept out of sight in the calcu- 
lations that have been made on the subject, is far better than that of any of the 
other candidates, and ought to animate his friends to the most active exertions. 

Mr. Calhoun's great services in Congress, in the War Department, and in 
rhe Cabinet — his purity, integrity and devotion to the public business — and his 
great talents, are admitted on Jill hands. No objections are made to hira, from a 
quarter entitled to respect, except on the score of age and experience. A mo- 
ment's reflection cannot fail to satisfy every candid and impartial mind, that the 
first of these objections ought to have no weight, and that the last is unfounded, 
Atthe beginning of the next Presidential term, Mr. Calhoun will be in the for- 
ty-fourth year of iiis age. If a vigorous mind, with uncommon powers of obser- 
vation, after being constantly exercised for fifteen years upon public affairs, either 
in the Legislature, or in an Executive Department, or in the Cabinet, at a period 
of our government more fruitful in events affecting its essential interests, than 
any of twice the length since the war of independence, have not then arrived at 
its greatest capacity for the public service, with the body still active and health- 
ful, when will it acquire it? Forty three was the age of Washington when he 
grasped in his hands the destinies of his country, and carried them triumphantly 
through the appalling dangers and difficulties of the revolution. The average age 
of the members of the Convention, who framed our Constitution, was not more 
than 45. These wise men, after the most mature reflection, admitted, that a ci- 
tizen might render himself worthy of the Chief Magistracy of the Republic at the 
age of 35, less, by two Presidential terms, than that of Mr. Calhoun — of that 
Mr. Calhodn, who was, more than twelve years ago, hailed by the great political 
organ of Virginia, ''as resembling one of the old sages of the old Congress.''^ — 
By what standard, I would ask, is experience to be measured ? By age ? By 
length of time in the public service ? Or, by the importance and variety of pub- 
lic affairs, in which a man has been engaged .'' A man may be 70 years of age, 
and yet have no political experience. He may have been half a century in the 
public service, and yet, from want of capacity, or from not having his mind exer- 
cised upon subjects of any great variety or importance, may gain no one qualifica- 
tion for the Presidency. Experience, then, in every beneficial sense of tiie word, 
is only to be measured by the importance and varietij of public affairs, in which 
a poicerful and sagacious mind has been exercised. In this sense of tiie word, 
after the sketch which has been presented of Mr. Calhoun's political career, I 
think I may ask, without presumption, who of his distinguished competitors is his 
superior.' Nay, more, who is his equal? Whose name has been intimately 
connected with so many important affairs ? Whose exertions have had so pow- 
erful an influence upon them, and produced so many practical results? Expe- 
rience is only valuable from giving a capacity to form a right judgment in public 
affairs. Who can boast a greater, or an equal exemption, from defect or error .-' 
"What plan has Mr. Calhoun ever recommended and advocated, which, when 
adopted, has not been eminently productive of public good ? Who, in his legisla- 
tive capacity, has proposed, and successfully sustained, so many beneficial mea- 
sures,and who, in an executive department has, by economical reforms, saved so 
many millions to the country, and by wise arrangements, brought about so many 
valuable results ? In short, who, whether young or old, whether his career has 
heen long or short, lias, throughout his political course, left behind him so many, 
permanent and illustrious monuments of wisdom, eloquence, and patriotism ? 

These questions are put, not in a spirit of hostility to the eminent men who 
aspire to the same great station with Mr. Calhoun, but merely to show, that an 
examination of the only objections that have ever been made to him, like the 
radical attacks in Congress upon liie administration of his department, produces 
no other result than a new illustration of his great talents, of the importance of 
^'s ?ervicrcs, arrd af hi? cajjacjty (m future a^efolrrc?" in ihr, |rig.he"st office whicli 



17 

a grateful countfy can bestow. The only object of this address, wuhoat deico- 
gating from the real merits of any of the other candidates for the Presidency, is 
to place before the good people of Maryland the means of forming a correct 
judgment of the qualifications and services of John C. Calhoon. 

We, fellow-citizens, stand in a pecuUar situation, in relation to the General 
Government. Partaking of both the commercial and agricultural character, we 
form the connecting link between the north and the south. Nor are we less inter- 
ested in the prosperity of the west, to an enlarged intercourse, with which, by 
means of the great internal improvements which are in contemplation, we must, 
in a great measure, look, as the source of our future commercial greatness. Form- 
ing a part of the Atlantic frontier, yet extending to the heart of the Union, and 
penetrated by the great Bay of the Chesapeake, Maryland has more points as- 
sailable by a foreign enemy than any other state. A narrow policy might suit 
the local interests of some of the states ; but here the instinct of interest combines 
with patriotism, in recommending to your support, a liberal, elevated, generous, 
and vigorous system of policy, that embraces the encouragement of all the great 
national interests, and protects them b> a navy, a military peace establishment, 
and fertifications. Such is the system of our venerable President, Monroe. — 
With every feature of that system, the foregoing political history of Mr. Calhoun 
proves him to be completely identified. Before you give your support to any 
other candidate, you will put the question — what is his political system, and what 
proofs has he to exhibit, from past uniform declarations, corresponding with acts 
«n record, of attachment to that of the present administration ? Nor will you, nor 
ought you, to be content with the negative proof, that no hostility to it has been 
manifested ; but, in a matter so vitally important to your welfare, you will require 
to be satisfied by positive and undeniable proofs, as to what are the real opinions 
and sentiments of the man for whom you vote. 

If the pecuHar situation of Maryland calls for an energetic policy on the pait 
of the general government, so also in a much greater degree does the situation 
of the Union at large, viewed in relation to the state of the world, demand the 
completion of our national defences, and the development of all the resourced 
which constitute the elements of great national power and prosperity. No inde- 
nendent government exists on this great continent, at the head of which we are 
placed, except of the republican form. In the old world, no established independent 
republican government, can be said to exist. Even the limited freedom which a 
tempered monarchy allows, is expelled from almost every corner of continental 
Europe. A combination of despots, grasping a map of military power, to which 
the annals of all ages furnish no parallel, have there crushed the hopes of man, 
and shrouded his prospects in darkness. The flame of liberty gleams bright 
and cheering upon the world only from her altars in republican America. Who- 
ever takes a wide survey of this prospect, must perceive that an awful crisis is 
approaching, and that the great battle between despotism and freedom, upon which 
hang the hopes of mankind, must soon be fought. It is not the part of wisdom 
to shut our eyes upon this dreadful prospect, but to look in the face, and deliber- 
ately contemplate the approaching danger, and to prepare for it, by placing at our 
head the man, who by his genius can comprehend, and by his energy repel iL 
Our venerable chief magistrate has already given solemn warning to the nation, 
and roused it to a tone of feeling suited to the occasion. But he will soon retire 
from the helm, and disaster and shipwreck on the one side, or glory and triumph 
on ttie other, may depend upon the vigor of the hand to which you may boreafftr 



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